The Guardian
Geoffrey Wheatcroft
An influential coterie of Tory MPs is bent on a foreign policy driven not by Britain's interests, but those of the US and Israel
Last September, David Cameron queried Tony Blair's unwavering (and unrewarded) loyalty to the Bush administration. The speech made Cameron unpopular in Washington, but that should have done him no harm with the British electorate, given what most of them think of George Bush. Yet however welcome Cameron's apparent turn in foreign policy might be with the public, he has a problem with his own parliamentary party. For years past the Tories have been infiltrated by Anglo-neoconservatives, a species easily defined. Several of the younger MPs are fanatical adherents of the creed with its three prongs: ardent support for the Iraq war, for the US and for Israel.
You might think that the first of those prongs was dented after the
disaster which has unfolded. What would have happened if the Tories had
opposed the war is one of the more fascinating "ifs" of history; but
they didn't, and the moment has passed when they could have adroitly
dissociated themselves from the war because of the false claims on
which it was begun and the incompetence with which it was conducted.
Even
then, Iraq might have made Tories hesitate before continuing to cheer
the US, but Stephen Crabb does just that. The MP was in Washington at
the time of Cameron's speech, where, he said, there was "disappointment
expressed". Many would have taken that as a compliment, but not Crabb,
who says in best Vichy spirit: "We do need to be careful about how the
Americans see us."
In most European countries there is a party of
the right whose basic definition is its attachment to the national
interest of that country. Only here is there a Conservative party, and
Tory press, largely in the hands of people whose basic commitment is to
the national interest of another country, or countries.
There was
once a vigorous high Tory tradition of independence from - if not
hostility to - America. It was found in the Morning Post before the
war, and it continued down to Enoch Powell and Alan Clark. But now
members of the shadow cabinet, such as George Osborne (whom even
Cameron is said to tease as a neocon), vie in fealty to Washington -
and this when US policy is driven by neocon thinktanks and evangelical
fundamentalists, with whom Toryism should have nothing in common.
Attempts
by younger Tories to justify their allegiance to Washington and Israel
are curious. One more from the latest vintage is Douglas Carswell MP,
who insists that "it is in our national interest to support Israel". He
would never wish to say anything critical of Israel, "because I believe
they are a front-line ally in a war against people who wish to destroy
our democratic way of life. Others may take a nuanced view. I don't."
This
is extreme, but not unique. The Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI)
are a successful force, now claiming a large majority of Tory MPs as
members. It is frankly perverse for Charles Moore to complain in the
Daily Telegraph that the Conservatives have gone awry since the good
old days, when the natural Tory outlook included "a greater sympathy
for Israel than for those who were trying to destroy her", since if
anything the change has been the other way round.
When does he
think that greater sympathy for Israel was ever a distinctively
Conservative position? In the days when I attended Tory conferences,
you could be entertained one evening by the CFI, with the late Duke of
Devonshire in the chair, but on the next by the Council for
Arab-British Understanding and such luminaries as Ian Gilmour and
Dennis Walters. Going further back, AJ Balfour was the Tory premier and
then foreign secretary who signed the eponymous declaration in 1917
favouring a Jewish homeland in Palestine, and came to favour a Jewish
state (as with many gentile Zionists, his attitude to Jews was highly
ambiguous; he described privately how uneasy he once felt at a dinner
party where "Hebrews were in an actual majority"). And yet his
successor as foreign secretary took the opposite view. That highest of
high Tories Lord Curzon deplored the Balfour declaration. He thought
that a Jewish homeland could only mean a grave injustice to the
inhabitants of Palestine. It would inflame hundreds of millions of
Muslim subjects of the British empire. And as to the Jewish people
themselves and the idea of transporting them to the Levant, "I cannot
think of a worse fate for an advanced and intellectual community,"
Curzon said.
In his day Curzon might have seemed the truer Tory
than Balfour, and it's only recently that his spirit has been stifled
in his old party. That is all the more so with the arrival of MPs such
as Crabb, Carswell, and the egregious Michael Gove, the Times columnist
and MP for Surrey Heath, a copy of whose Muslim-bashing diatribe
Celsius 7/7 is given to every lucky person who joins the CFI.
Despite
these Anglo-neocons, many people would say that endorsing every US
action has damaged British interests. As to Carswell's "in our national
interest to support Israel", the words are plainly absurd, and his
"frontline ally" comment is terrifying. Cameron himself is "proud not
just to be a Conservative, but a Conservative Friend of Israel," he
says; but does he share Carswell's belief that the British army in
Basra and Helmand is fighting on behalf of Israel? And does he imagine
that our troops want to be told that? They have enough problems as it
is.
What Cameron might by now have grasped is that the position
represented by those zealous Anglo-neocons on his benches doesn't
actually enjoy much popular support. No US president has been more
disliked in this country than Bush the Younger, no adventure more
regretted than the Iraq war. Most British people are neither enemies of
Israel nor "friends" in the CFI sense. They hope for a just settlement
and deplore needless violence: during the bombardment of Lebanon last
summer, one poll found that only 22% thought the Israeli response was
justified. When Crabb says that the Anglo-US alliance has been "the
single most important foreign policy relationship since the second
world war", he could also recognise that never since then has the
British electorate felt less enthusiastic about it.
No one
expects Cameron to become the Hugo Chávez of Notting Hill. But if he's
serious about winning an election, he could at least begin to forge a
foreign policy which, unlike Blair's, is based on the national interest
of this country and not another, and which expresses the views of the
British people.
· Geoffrey Wheatcroft is the author of Yo, Blair!
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